Election 2024 is behind us, but the echoes of the campaign and its fallout feel like they’ll linger far beyond the next news cycle.
I’m typically a subscriber to the “this too shall pass” philosophy. It is a survival mantra: Whatever comes, we get through it. But as I consider what lies ahead for the country, I can’t help but wonder if this moment will pass in the way we’d like.
In many ways, it feels like we’re on the precipice of a lasting shift.
To start, I never truly doubted Donald Trump could once again capture the presidency. For a long time, it felt inevitable. That’s not to say I didn’t have concerns — on the contrary, my concerns grew sharper as the Democratic Party seemed determined to repeat past mistakes. They rolled from one deeply flawed candidate to another, almost as if orchestrating their own undoing.
The Democratic primary process felt like a drawn-out tragedy, with key decisions seemingly botched at every turn. Momentum swung wildly; promising candidates rose up, only to be pulled back by inexplicable party machinations or sheer misfortune. This recurring inability to consolidate power and coalesce around a strong vision has done more than weaken the Democratic Party — it has left an empty space that Trump and his allies have easily filled.
And so, as results started rolling in on election night, my worst fears were confirmed. The Republicans not only claimed the presidency but managed to secure the Senate — and perhaps the House as well.
This isn’t just about a four-year presidential term; it’s a full-scale political regime shift with implications stretching into the distant future. The political landscape has morphed into something dauntingly monolithic, with the Republican Party holding sway not only over the executive and legislative branches but also the judiciary.
In particular, the Supreme Court has become a fortress of conservative ideology. The notion of a balanced court feels increasingly like a relic, replaced by a judiciary that will lean right for a generation or more. And that’s not just speculation — it’s a fact, a reality that will shape judicial outcomes on everything from voting rights to healthcare, environmental protections to labor laws.
For Democrats and the causes they champion, this is nothing short of a nightmare.
The legislative wins achieved by the left in past years could now be undone by judicial rulings, each one chipping away at the ideals of equality, progress and justice that many hold dear. In practical terms, this means that any hard-fought gains for minority rights, women’s rights or climate action face an uphill battle in the courts. The Democratic Party may fight in Congress, but without judicial backing, these fights are rendered largely symbolic.
But what worries me most is the sense of permanence around this shift. The idea that this administration might be a blip — a temporary swing of the pendulum — feels naïve. Political historians often note the resilience of American democracy, but resilience is not a guarantee. As I look at the fervent loyalty Trump demands, a thought nags at me: when does political leadership cross into something more monolithic, more authoritarian?
In some nations, the transition from democracy to autocracy happens gradually, almost imperceptibly, as leaders consolidate power and remove dissenting voices. They centralize authority and weaken democratic checks, sometimes under the guise of “reforming” the system. Watching this administration, it’s not hard to imagine a future where Trump becomes something more than just a president but a leader with unassailable influence — a “Dear Leader” figure of sorts. The erosion of trust in the electoral system, the portrayal of the media as “enemies of the people,” and the calculated dismantling of checks and balances aren’t just passing trends. They’re structural shifts.
Republican control over every branch of government should give us pause, not because one party is inherently worse than the other but because American democracy was designed to function on a delicate balance of power. Checks and balances are not just constitutional jargon — they’re the guardrails that protect us from tyranny. When one party dominates too completely, the voices of millions can easily be silenced.
Of course, there’s an argument to be made that we are simply experiencing the normal ebb and flow of politics. The Democrats have had their turn in recent years, and now it’s the Republicans’ moment in the sun. But the stakes feel higher now, largely because the current political climate doesn’t prioritize compromise or dialogue. Instead, we see a governing approach that is openly hostile to dissenting perspectives, an administration that appears more invested in personal loyalty than in public service.
So where does this leave those of us feeling alienated by the results of this election?
For starters, we must resist the urge to sink into hopelessness. This might mean rallying at the local level, where grassroots efforts can often bypass the gridlock of national politics. It might mean building coalitions to push for real change, even if that change is incremental. And it might mean creating and supporting media outlets that will continue to ask difficult questions, refusing to let power go unchecked. But more than anything, we must remain vigilant.
As Americans, we have to hold ourselves and our leaders accountable. We cannot normalize a government that treats power as a prize to be permanently hoarded rather than a responsibility to be shared. History reminds us that democracy is both fragile and resilient; our actions will determine which side of that equation we end up on.
We are living in a time of unprecedented upheaval and uncertainty. Even if, like James Carville, we find ourselves in a “very dark tunnel” today, tomorrow, and for the foreseeable future, passivity cannot be our response. We must continue to believe in and fight for the core values of democracy — even if they feel more under threat than ever before. Only then can we ensure that, indeed, this too shall pass.
Aron Solomon is the chief strategy officer for Amplify. He has taught entrepreneurship at McGill University and the University of Pennsylvania.
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